9.1] Caste in Indian Politics

It is said that ‘Indians do not cast their vote, they vote their caste.’

According to Christophe Jaffrelot, caste forms the mosaic of Indian politics. Mandal and Kamandal are the two idioms of Indian politics. Caste does not differ from religion and both are examples of identity politics.

1. Caste

There is no exact translation of the Indian term jati in European languages. Colonial masters used the term ‘caste’ for Indian practice of jati. The term caste comes from Portuguese word ‘casta’. Casta denotes pure blood. Thus, caste comes near to the western word ‘race’. The western word equates castism with racialism. India made anti colonialism and anti-racialism as the fundamental objectives of Indian Foreign Policy. In response, western world always blames India for practicing one of the worst forms of racialism and apartheid or racial segregation.

1.1 Sociological Explanation of Caste

Louis Dumont has described caste system as Indian model of social stratification which is opposite to the western model of stratification based on class.

Comparison between caste and class.

1. In class, the status is determined by merit or worth. In caste, it is determined by birth.
2. Economic criteria are used when people are classified in different classes. The criteria of purity and pollution is used in identifying the status of a person in caste system.
3. Class system is open and any person can jump from lower class to higher class whereas Caste system is rigid, it cannot be jumped.

M.N. Shrinivas has challenged Louis Dumont’s perspective. According to him, Dumont’s approach is too textual. In practice, there is not much difference in western and Indian tradition. Class is as static as caste. Class is as based on birth as caste.

M. N. Shrinivas held that caste system was not entirely rigid. Mobility was permitted. He coined the term ‘Sanskritization’ which denotes persons of lower caste adopting the practices of Brahmins. For example, if a person from lower caste stopped eating non-vegetarian food, it reduces the pollution and have been elevated to the higher status. There are many examples among Sudras who have been elevated to the status of Kshatriyas.

There are also examples where untouchables e.g. Jatavs in Agra have been sanskritized. However, once reservation have been introduced, they have been de-sanskritized.

M.N. Shrinivas has also given the concept of ‘dominant caste’. According to him, the term ‘upper caste’ is misleading. We have to understand the role of dominant caste in India. Dominant caste denotes the castes holding economic power, social power and political power. In most of the situations, upper castes like Brahmins and Kshatriyas are not the dominant castes.

For Shrinivas, there are three characteristics which make a caste, dominant caste. There may be regional variations. They are land owners, they have numerical majority, and enjoy a higher social status. For example, Yadavs are the dominant caste in UP and Bihar, Jats are the dominant castes in Haryana and western UP, Marathas are dominant caste in Maharashtra, Reddis, Kammas and Kapus in Andhra Pradesh, Lingayats and Vokkaligas in Karnataka.

2. Role of Caste in Indian politics

2.1 History of Caste Politics in India

In Indian society, the concept of caste is present since ancient times. As portrayed by some scholars, Hinduism denoted the alliance of Brahmins and Kshatriyas, whereas Buddhism denoted alliance of Vaisyas and Kshatriyas. Britishers also promoted caste politics. They conducted caste survey. Communal award aimed at giving separate electorate to the different castes e.g. Dalits. Thus, dividing Hindu society. Even political parties during national movement were parties of different caste e.g. Congress was the party of Brahmins, Justice party and D.K. were the parties of OBCs, Republican party was the party of Dalits.

2.2 After Independence

After independence Indian constitution did not abolish caste. Rather, it was maintained as a basis for distributive justice or affirmative action policies. Caste continues to play prominent role in elections, formation of political parties. Every political party, especially the regional parties are the parties of a particular caste. Linguistic reorganization, green revolution, Mandal commission has strengthened the role of caste in Indian politics.

The beginning of coalition politics since 1989 show the increasing regionalization of Indian party system i.e. More and more regional parties at center. Which means greater role of caste in Indian politics. The role of caste in Indian politics is now known as Mandalization of Indian politics.

We can categorize Indian society into three prominent groups.  1] Upper castes.  2] OBCs.  3] Dalits.

In Indian context, even non-Hindus, including Muslims have caste system. The religion and caste are an overlapping term. Muslims in India can be considered as a caste. They can fit in either OBCs or Dalits. We see the combination of Yadavs and Muslims (SP and RJD). We can also see combination of Dalits and Muslims (BSP). Rise of BSP had impacted the fortunes of congress in a big way. It has taken away the Dalit vote bank of Congress. Muslim vote bank also got divided. Congress had lost its entire base because even Muslims have left congress for other parties. Though still congress represents Muslim votes and the votes of other minorities primarily Christians.

There is a lack of consensus among the scholars whether caste has strengthened Indian politics. Some believe that caste has strengthened Indian democracy. e.g. Rajani Kothari, Christophe Jaffrelot, Yogendra Yadav, Satish Deshpande. On the other hand, Andre Beteille, Ashutosh Varshney, C.P. Bhambri are against the role of caste as it weakens democracy. They consider it as a threat from a long-term perspective.

2.3 Contribution of Rajani Kothari.

Rajani Kothari gives the credit of success of Indian democracy to the caste. Caste provided the basis for the mobilization and integration of the people with democracy. Absence of caste in other countries of the third world is actually responsible for the failure of democracy in these countries. According to him, not only caste has impacted politics, politics has also impacted caste. A phenomenon called as ‘politicization of caste’.

Politicization of Caste.

1] Secularization

It shows how politics has changed the nature of caste. Earlier, caste was important for ritual purposes now caste is important for secular benefits like employment, education etc.

2] Integration

While normally caste is understood as disintegrative force, democracy has compelled different castes to integrate, form alliances. We see both fusion and fission. Some of the prominent caste coalitions of Indian politics has been – 

AJGAR, which later became MAJGAR (Muslims, Ahirs, Jat, Gujjar and Rajput). This coalition was proposed by Sir Choturam and later on by Chaudhary Charan Singh in context of western UP and Haryana.

KHAM (Ksatriyas, Harijans, Adivasis, Muslims). The coalition formed by Congress in Gujarat.

Muslim Yadav coalition formed by SP and RJD in UP and Bihar.

3] Consciousness

When caste enters into politics, it develops into new consciousness. The consciousness gets politicized. It results into the lower castes becoming aware of their importance. Hence, they themselves go for autonomous mobilization in politics e.g. Initially Dalits were led by Congress but gradually they realized their importance and formed their own party – BSP.

The phenomenon of politicization of caste has been described by Rudolph and Rudolph as ‘modernization of the tradition’ and ‘traditionalization of modernity’.

Christophe Jaffrelot calls caste based mobilization as India’s ‘silent revolution’.

Prof. Yogendra Yadav suggest that the interaction between caste and politics has led to the ‘democratic upsurge’. Yogendra Yadav talks about 1) 1st democratic upsurge in 60s which symbolize OBCs coming out of Congress.  2) 2ns democratic upsurge in 1990s when Dalits left Congress and formed their own party.

This shows that caste-based mobilization may ensure that the democracy is India does not remain just a topsoil.

Lalita Chandrashekhar in her article Emancipatory Power of Caste Politics, suggest that caste-based mobilization has bridged the gaps between different sections of the society. It has dislodged certain castes which had dominance. She gives example of RJD which has made Yadavs (OBCs or intermediate caste) a formidable political entity. She also gives example of JDU of Nitish Kumar who united castes below Yadavs and gave them the political voice.

2.4 Caste as a Weakening Force.

C.P. Bhambri – According to him, caste politics is not good in the long term. He believes that caste politics leads to communalization. When one party uses caste, the other party will have to use religion.

Ashutosh Varshney, in his book Battles Half Won: India’s Improbable Democracy, argues that caste-based mobilization has not resulted into any concrete transformation in the distribution of power in the society. As far as elections are concerned, Indian democracy is a great success. However, democracy is not just elections. Indian democracy has not done well between elections. Now the battle should be for deepening of democracy.

2.5 WHY Caste Plays Role in Politics?

1) Rajani Kothari – Since society is traditional, caste and religion-based mobilization is natural. 

2) MN Shrinivas – Caste is present in the minds of Indians at a subconscious level. 

3) Andre Beteille – i) Indian constitution abolishes untouchability without abolishing caste.  ii) She puts question mark on the wisdom of Nehru. How Pandit Nehru was thinking to achieve caste free India and communalism free India when constitution itself mentions caste as a basis of public policy.

4) Kanchan Chandra – According to her, when political patronage is based on caste, how can we think of caste free politics.

3. OBC Politics in India

OBCs are the intermediate castes. The most important factor in Indian politics because of their numerical strength. In the constitution, they are described as OBCs which distinguishes them from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.  If we go by Manusmriti, the castes which come in the category of Sudras are now called as OBCs.

Marc Gallanter in his book Competing Equalities: Law and the Backward Classes in India, suggests that OBC is loose conception, which makes it keep on changing. OBC represent large number of intermediate caste. Primarily peasants, farmers, cultivators, artisans etc. they are internally differentiated. The status of some is more with respect to other castes. Some powerful OBCs in Indian politics are Yadav, Kurmis, Jats, Gujjars, Reddys’ Vokkaligas, Patels, etc.

OBCs are the most important force, have dominance in all fields. They are land owners; they are in political power. Most of the chief ministers in most of the states, they are also present in administration.

3.1 History of OBC politics in India

Christophe Jaffrelot, in his book The Silent Revolution, has explained the rise of OBC politics in north and south India.

Situation in South

OBCs are more dominant, OBC politics is older and more mature.

1. The composition of the society in South is different from the composition in North. In South, the only upper caste has been Bramhins. Majority of the population is of OBCs. 
2. In South, leaders like Jyotiba Phule (Satyashodhak Samaj), EV Ramaswamy Naykar (Self-Respect movement), Shri Narayan Guru (Shri Narayan Dharma Paripalan Yoga – SNDP), were successful in strengthening the consciousness among OBCs. Because of the numerical strength, Bramhins were not in a position to counter the challenge.
3. In South, ethnicization took place. It has led to the assertion of Dravidian identity.

OBC Politics in North

1. In North India, because of movements like Arya Samaj, Shuddhi movement, there has been greater influence of Vedic religion.
2. In North, there are more than one upper caste and hence it was not so easy for backward classes to counter their dominance.
3. Thus, in North, backwards went for Sanskritization. Bramhinism continued.
4. Instead of autonomous parties like DK (Dravid Khadga), OBCs in North remained the part of Congress for Long. (Hegemony of Bramhinism).
5. Hence there is a late arrival of OBCs in the political scene in North as an autonomous force.

The increasing influence of OBCs is described as ‘Mandalization’ of Indian politics. OBC politics and demands revolve around reservation, hike in MSP in agriculture etc.

Satish Deshpande in his article The OBC Primer of Indian Politics, suggests that Indian politics is to be read and interpreted with reference to the direction of OBC politics in India. OBC politics is ‘heart of Indian politics’. OBCs form around 42% of the population which means more than half billion people. Thus, they are strategically unavoidable. They are going to be present in any alliance. State politics is nothing but OBC politics. The arrival of coalition govt. at union marks the influence of OBCs at national level. OBCs are in ‘thick of the caste’. It means they are going to determine the future of caste politics itself. Whether caste will become prominent or get diluted it will all depend on the choices made by OBCs.

4. Dalit Politics in India

Dalit mobilization in India goes back to pre-independence times. It is an assertion of Dalits against their exploitation by upper castes or caste Hindus. The biggest contribution towards politicization of Dalits is of Ambedkar. Within Dalits there had been 3 choices for their upliftment.

1] Co-option: Dalits to remain with Congress. e.g. Leaders like Babu Jagjeevan Ram preferred co-option. At present there is even a rightward shift symbolized by leaders like Ramvilas Paswan and Udit Raj. They believe that annihilation of caste is a utopia, hence to gain tangible benefits, it is better to work with the major parties.

2] Autonomy: Approach of Ambedkar. Ambedkar preferred constitutional approach but Dalits should be an autonomous force. This approach is represented by Kanshi Ram, the founder of BSP. The slogan of BSP was Baba tera kaam adhura, kansiram karega pura. BSP represents ‘blue flag with elephant’. Blue flag represents the sky. Elephant represents the numerical strength.

Mayavati has been an example of the success of Ambedkar’s approach. Ajay Bose in his book Behenji: A Political Biography of Mayavati, suggests that Mayavati could successfully implement Ambedkar’s approach.  After 3 short stints, she won comfortable majority in 2007. This time she has done successful social engineering by forming alliance with Brahmins. However later on, she suffered from Megalomania (one thinks very great of himself) and delusions, at present she has been reduced to leader of Jatavs only. This section of Dalit leadership (Autonomous force) is on decline.

3] Radicalism. Radicalism among Dalits is inspired by Marxist idea of struggle and revolution. Ambedkar had rejected the approach. Inspired by Black Panther’s movement in USA, disappointed with the politics of co-option, certain sections of Dalits formed Dalit Panthers. The leaders include Namdeo Dhasal, Raja Dhale, JV Pawar. Dalit Panther aimed to counter Shiv Sena. However, the movement could not continue because some of the leaders like Namdeo Dhasal co-opted with Congress. In recent years, there is a revival of radicalism as symbolized by ‘Elgar Parishad’, ‘Bhim Army’ led by Chandrashekhar Azad (Ravana).

4.1 Analysis of Dalit Politics by Pratap Bhanu Mehta

In his recent article titled New Dalit Challenge, written in context of Bhima-Koregoan incident, he suggests that the new generation of Dalit politics is reflecting profound changes.

1. Dalits are no more satisfied with winning constitutional recognition. 
2. There is rejection of ‘managerial approach’.  An upper caste strategy to co-opt Dalits in the symbolic order without any real shift of power. Managerial politics creates class of beneficiaries to exhaust the question of social justice and diffuse the conflict. (e.g. Making Dalit speaker or president.) 
3. Dalits are building counter hegemony. They are going beyond the politics of survival. They are challenging history. They are re-writing the history. They are taking more antagonistic postures e.g. In Bhima-Koregoan, instead of using the phrase ‘we won’, they used the phrased ‘you are defeated’. According to Pratap Bhanu Mehta, the pressure of new Dalit imagination is colliding against the upper caste strategy of containment.

According to CP Bhambri, it is good that consciousness is increasing but Dalits should make alliances with the progressive forces otherwise they will limit the scope of their own struggle.